The Storm of Religious Strife Lingers in Egypt

Al-Hurra TV channel aired on its news program an extensive interview with Mr. Hossam Bahgat, the director of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR). This organization has been taking the lead in defending the rights of the Baha'is of Egypt, particularly during the past five years. There is not enough credit that can be attributed to the unrelenting and courageous work this young activist organization has undertaken, particularly doing so while faced with a very strong national current of religious extremism and amidst a hostile public opinion.

The case of the Baha'is of Egypt is not exactly a case that can be seen as a popular cause to defend, especially under these conditions and in a society marred with bigotry and resounding adherence to long-standing misguided dogma. Fortunately, for Egypt's sake, there remain people like these heroic individuals who have taken on such desperate causes and such convoluted cases.

Another person, also a member of EIPR, that has been in the forefront of this struggle--defending the Baha'is--is a young lawyer, named Adel Ramadan, who has selflessly and tirelessly devoted all his legal prowess to the multiple litigations before Egyptian courts, including the Supreme Administrative Court. He has been working very quietly, sticking to his message with great effectiveness and solid outcomes. He has never hesitated or given-up, even under the most disappointing and discouraging times that he frequently encountered during this long-fought battle of good versus evil.

The storm of religious strife lingers over Egypt and the media in the entire region are taking note of the recent unprecedented and exceptional hostilities towards the Baha'is of Egypt. An example of this is an article published in al-Masry el-Youm with a somewhat misleading headline stating, "Baha'i Mass Escape from Sohag." It must be noted that Sohag is a very large Egyptian province with many inhabitants. Yes, there are Baha'is in that province, but no, there has not been a "mass escape" from Sohag. The only ones known to have left the area were those from the infamous village of Showraniyah. This article, published today, was written by Ahmed Shalabi and Abdel Aal Talaat in Arabic, and was then translated into English by the newspaper. The English version is posted below in its entirety.

Video:

http://bahaimelody.blogspot.com/search/label/Egypt-other-videos

Celebration of Naw-Ruz in Meriland park

Live interview show on TV
http://bahaimelody.blogspot.com/search/label/Egypt

Even though there have been glimpses of hope for peaceful resolution to the struggle of the Baha'is of Egypt, supported by the judiciary as well as the government, a sickening undercurrent of activity is being propagated and stirred by an Egyptian journalist, named Gamal Abdel Rahim, who writes for Egypt's Al-Gomhoryiah [the Republic] newspaper. His activities can easily be regarded as plots that are leading to sedition, intended to entice public unrest and disrupt "public order."

This journalist has been one of the most vocal opponents of the Baha'is in Egypt. His rhetoric is cloaked with hatred and disgust. He advocates pronouncing all Baha'is as apostates and urges their killing. As a consequence to his urging, during a recent television program (posted below), a mob attacked and assaulted the Baha'is in the village of Showranyiah (island in the center of the Nile) in the southern Egyptian province of Sohag on 31 March 2009 at 8 PM. The mob, reportedly, burned their homes and expelled the Baha'i families from the village.This story was reported in a comment by the leader of that mob on Gamal Abdel Rahim's blog, which has been dedicated to attacks on Baha'is. This mob leader, who claimed responsibility for the attack, is named Mohammad Youssry Mohammad. He identifies himself as the secretary of the youth committee of the village's National Party (al- Hezb al-Watany) and a teacher in the religious institute of the village.

He describes the village to have a population of 16,751 with a surface area of approximately 1,567 feddans [acres]. It has 17 mosques, 3 churches, 16 elementary schools, 2 preparatory schools and 1 secondary "commerce" school. He also reports that the Baha'is, who were expelled from the village following the burning of their homes, consist of 15 individuals from three families, among them children and nursing babies.

A television program, aired on 28 March 2009, provided a forum for discussion between a representative of the Baha'i community of Egypt, Dr. Basma Moussa, the journalist Gamal Abdel Rahim and a Baha'i from the village of Showranyiah, Ahmad El-Sayyid. The host was Wael El-Ebrashy of Dream Channel. This recent attack was triggered by the hateful comments made by the journalist Gamal Abdel Rahim against the Baha'is during the TV program (videos in link bellow).

Although this is regarded as an outrageous and heinous act against an innocent Baha'i population of an Egyptian village, it should be emphasized that this is not a normal occurrence in Egypt and does only represent the reaction of an ill-informed number of individuals who are driven by hatred and ignorance. There are many Egyptians who have been supportive of the Baha'is and of their rights. Among them are leaders of society, such as journalists, academics, politicians, artists, human rights activists and jurists.The Egyptian authorities must take action against the perpetrators of these acts and must hold responsible those who have caused them. The rule of law has to prevail over such irresponsible terror and has to halt this state of unbridled anarchy. Egypt cannot afford to tolerate such a state of lawlessness.

(VIDEO)
Below is the LIVE TV program that apparently has triggered the current violence. The program was intended to discuss the Nowruz feast celebrated by the Baha'is in a Cairo public park on the 21st of March:
http://bahaimelody.blogspot.com/search/label/Egypt

A Letter to My Brother Sasan in the prison

In May 2006, a group of over 80 individuals was arrested in and around the city of Shiraz, Iran. They were involved in a teaching program benefitting underprivileged children. The group had been granted permission for their activities by the Islamic authorities of the city. Muslim members of the group were immediately released. However, 54 Baha’is were detained for a few days, and afterwards released on bail. In August 2007, they were tried by Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court. They were charged with “offences against state security”. Three of them were sentenced to four years imprisonment for “organizing illegal groups” and “propaganda on behalf of groups that are opposed to the Islamic system”. The other Baha’is in the group received a one year suspended sentence provided that they participated in a three year Islamic indoctrination course.

Below is a summary of a letter written by Roya, the sister of Sasan Taqva, one of the three individuals now serving a four year sentence. Haleh Houshmandi, whose name is mentioned in the letter, is among those with a suspended sentence. On March 15, 2009, while Haleh and her husband were on a trip, their home was raided by officers of the Ministry of Intelligence.


A Letter to My Brother Sasan
April 17, 2009

By Roya Taqva

To my dear brother Sasan,
It is only a few hours until the start of a new year, Naw-Ruz, and again you are not with us this year. As I write, I am remembering what our father said a few days ago. He sighed and said, “I wish every day of the week was Tuesday (visiting day at the prison), and that the visiting hour would last a long time”.

My dear brother: where in the world is teaching moral values to children and helping them with their school assignments a crime?
God, you know how hard it is to wait for the end of a jail term. You know how this waiting turns hair grey and consumes hearts. Please turn our family’s sorrow into ease. God, we are proud of the acts of service of my brother and the rest of the group. However, they are paying a great price for standing strong and serving underprivileged children. God, you hear the cries and laments of my parents. You know that waiting in sorrow has been their nightly food and sustenance.

Dad, every time I see tears running down your face in the privacy of your home, and see you strong like a mountain in public, I feel very proud to have been born into this family.

Mom, every night that I hear you cry while I am lying in my bed, I raise my hands to the heavens and ask God to turn the darkness of night into the dawn of tranquility.
My dear sister, you live far away, but I know how the absence of our brother has consumed your entire being.
My dear brother, the heart of your little sister, Roya, is full of sorrow. For seventeen months, her dear brother and friend has been the subject of her writing.

My dear brother, this New Year again you are not with us. When our mother placed your picture near to us at the time of the New Year, seeing her sad face and noticing the lump in her throat could have melted stone.

Those souls treading the path of love and unity have been entrapped by the forces of darkness, but God, I know the ocean of your bounty is surging. I am able to bear the hardships surrounding us because I wholly trust in your wisdom. I am certain that we have a bright future ahead of us. The day will come when this group of young adults, now suffering for their acts of service, will lay brick on brick and build a new world, which will be given as a gift to Iran and the world. It is as clear to me as is the existence of the sun in the sky that these imprisonments will bring hope for a glorious future.

You know Sasan, this year Babak and his son are alone too. Haleh Houshmandi is not with them. She is celebrating the New Year in prison, while her Lord watches over her. Before she was taken away, Haleh had been like a dear child for our parents in your absence.

Signed,
Roya

On Minorities and Education, Iran omits Baha’is

by Munib Kiani


At the United Nations Forum of Minority Issues, the Islamic Republic of Iran has published a statement titled “Minorities and the Right to Education.” Documents of this type are produced by many countries, and traditionally pass into history without controversy. This particular document is rendered fascinating by the century-long opposition to Baha’i education in Iran and the government’s denial of any persecution of its largest religious minority. A reading of it demonstrates as much by its phrasing as by its content.

It begins with a supportable argument: ”Education is the primary vehicle by which economically and socially marginalized adults and children can lift themselves out of poverty and obtain the means to fully participate in all spheres of life in socoiety (sic).”

Ipso facto, the reverse must be true: withdrawal of education would depress the marginalized into poverty, and leave their potential unrealized. Fortunately, the Republic documents its successes and continuing dedication to educate all, so it seems that all is well. Unfortunately all isn’t well at all - there is ample proof (

http://denial.bahai.org/) that education is restricted for the Baha’i community, as is illustrated in the many sad stories featured on the pages of Iran Press Watch, of youthful zeal and energy denied.

Even if you were to discount proof presented by the wronged minority as being biased, official internal documents detailing how the Baha’i question is to be answered, the treatment promulgated by the government include “Permit them a modest livelihood” and that “The government’s dealings with them must be in such a way that their progress and development are blocked” (From the leaked 1991/1993 memo) confirming what we already knew, what is intended for the Baha’is includes no aspirations, no excellence — the mother of all glass ceilings. One might wonder at the motivations behind this denial, for which I defer to the pithy analysis of others.
Continuing, the document defines what it means by marginalized groups, identifying different ethnicities, language (groups), nationalities, nomads, culture, races and provincial sects and tribes. Pause… re-read that list!

The Islamic Republic makes no mention at all of religion — the closest it gets is “sects”. This is an omission, which while including Christians and Jews, is specifically directed at Baha’is, inasmuch as they are the only group which is systematically denied higher education and who have repeatedly objected to this and drawn international attention to it. These objections have resulted in many international bodies and groups of prominent individuals issuing reproving messages condemning Iran’s actions, and calling upon them to desist. Iran, though superficially unworried in the face of this deprival, nevertheless responds by changing policies, an example (in our opinion) being the shift from assaulting the Baha’is directly to the covert denial of rights and opportunities previously enjoyed. Re-addressing the document: if the Baha’i Faith is - erroneously - reduced to a mere sect, its members would merit education, however, since this is not the case, we posit that the authors of the document intentionally left religion out, because they were fully aware of the policy towards the Baha’is, and simply used the catch-all term “etc” to refer to all other groups in order to avoid the real issue.

The above point is strengthened when the proud assertion: “Under the existing laws, all students irrespective of their race, language, ethnicity and nationality are equally entitled to educational facilities in the country.” True, but the Islamic Republic again omits religion — why?

Next, reference is made to the Iranian Constitution — that the country provides free education for all to a secondary level and “higher education to the extent that the country meets its own needs.” It is interesting that a population of 300,000 Baha’is whose teachings give very high value to education and its pursuit, and who before the revolution were one of the most educated groups in the country, provide so few students at the university level, and that Baha’i students who performed excellently on a national level were denied their right to higher education. These statements refer to the laws omitting reference to actuality, and then hypocritically mentioning that “decisions are based on the principles of equality and justice.”

What kind of equity is it when students who have achieved the highest level in national tests are then denied their right to higher education, when Baha’i citizens who desire nothing more than to contribute to their country and to support their families are prevented from earning a decent living, are then denied pensions at the end of their working life, and in the final desecration, whose graves are violated by an unfeeling regime?

Rights groups challenge Iran leader at racism meet

April 19, 2009

Human rights groups on Sunday challenged President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to eliminate severe discrimination in Iran, ahead of his arrival at a UN conference against racism and intolerance in Geneva.
The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH), the Baha'i International Community (BIC) and the Iranian League for Human Rights (LDDHI) said Ahmadinejad must tackle discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities, women, and halt incitement to hatred.

"By coming to the Durban Review Conference, President Ahmadinejad signals a commitment to the conference's goals of eliminating all forms of discrimination and intolerance," said Diane Ala'i, the BIC's representative at the UN in Geneva.

"His first move on returning home, then, should be to address the severe discrimination and persecution that have flourished under his tenure," she added.
Ahmadinejad is the most prominent head of state scheduled to address the opening of the UN review conference on Monday, which is being boycotted by the United States, Israel, Canada, Australia and the Netherlands.

His virulent anti-Israel statements and comments casting doubt on the Holocaust have prompted fears that his speech could overshadow the primary aim of the conference, to take stock of racial discrimination, xenophobia and intolerance around the world.

The rights groups said religious discrimination was widespread in Iran, notably affecting Baha'is, Christians, Jews, Sufis, Sunni Muslims, and other minorities, through arbitrary arrests, intimidation and harassment.

They also accused Iranian government-controlled media of fomenting hatred against Bahai's, and warned that repression against activists belonging to ethnic minorities including the Kurds was "rising dramatically".

"Human rights have sharply deteriorated in Iran under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, as well as against women, are of grave concern," said Karim Lahidji of LDDHI.

The human rights groups called on governments taking part in the conference, as well as the media, to hold Ahmadinejad accountable for violations in Iran.

Appeal by the Baha’is of Shiraz

April 20, 2009

By the Baha’is of Shiraz

Imprisoned Baha’is in Shiraz are being kept under inhumane conditions. They are held in small cells, in solitary confinement. These cells are about 2.2 meters x 2.2 meters wide, with an open washroom at the corner, and without any sort of windows, openings or ventilation system. Their bedding consists merely of two blankets on the cement prison floor. At present, there are seven Baha’i detained in the city of Shiraz.
Among them, the situation of Haleh Houshamandi-Salehi (arrested March 18, 2009), is the gravest (see http://www.iranpresswatch.org/2009/04/serious-health/). She has a heart ailment and her physician has stated that any stress or trauma will have an extremely serious impact on her health. Under the intense psychological and physical pressures of solitary confinement and ongoing interrogations, she developed numbness on the left side of her body to the point that she could not get herself up from the floor. After 22 days in solitary confinement, authorities transferred Halah Ruhi (detained since October 2007), to Haleh’s cell. Although Haleh Houshamandi-Salehi is being given some medication in the prison, she is in urgent need of proper medical care and the attention of a heart specialist. Her family has taken her medical records to the detention centre, hoping for compassion and understanding.
However, in response to her family’s ongoing inquiries into Haleh’s condition, the judiciary investigator recently said: “What happens if one of you dies, one less the better”.


Sooren Salehi
Haleh Houshmadi-Salehi’s 8-year old son, Sooren, traumatized by the raid of his home and the detainment of his mother, often bursts into tears. The mothers of his classmates help their children with their homework, drop them off and pick them up from school, but the authorities have left Sooren without his mother. He says, “I feel like crying, but I try very hard and stop myself. I worry that my classmates will make fun of me”. He often asks when his mother will be home, but no one has any answers to comfort this broken-hearted child.

On April 4, a bail was set by the Prosecutor General of Fars province for the release of four of the prisoners arrested in the last two months. However, the judiciary investigator stated that under no condition would he accept the instructions of the Prosecutor General and allow these Baha’is to be discharged on bail (see, http://www.iranpresswatch.org/2009/04/imprisoned-bahais-barred/).

A few days ago, an arrest order was briefly shown to a Baha’i that was being questioned by Islamic authorities. The arrest order was entitled: Arrest Warrant of all Connected Individuals. This revelation is very alarming as it indicates the authorities’ intentions to use such broad reaching statements to justify numerous arrests. With such a vague and ambiguous warrant, any and all family members of the detained Baha’is can be considered “connected individuals” and any Baha’i can be considered a “connected individual” by virtue of their faith and their common beliefs. Their use of elusive terminology on warrants allows them to detain, question and arrest any individual for any period of time, at will, and without any further justification or clarification.

It is the urgent hope of the detainees’ families that the ongoing atrocities against Baha’is are stopped, and that their loved ones, detained solely because of their beliefs, are released.

البهائية.. ظَل أم ضلال؟

أعمدة
البهائية.. ظَل أم ضلال؟
علي أحمد الديري

هل يمكن أن نصف ديناً ما بالضلال؟

هذا السؤال أطرحه في سياق الحملة التي تتعرض لها الديانة البهائية في مصر، ومع الأسف دخول كتاب وصحافيين في سياق تأجيجها، فعلى سبيل المثال الكاتب الصحافي محمود عيسى أورد على «حادث إحراق مواطنين بإحدى قرى محافظة سوهاج بصعيد مصر، لمنازل أربعة من جيرانهم بسبب اعتناقهم البهائية» مجموعة ملحوظات تأجيجية وهي: خطأ توصيف البهائية بأنها ديانة، وجود دعاة ومبشرين لهذا الفكر الضال، وأن هناك إغراءات غالباً ما تكون مادية لجذب هؤلاء البسطاء، لأنه ليست ثمة مغريات روحانية في فكر البهائية. المؤسسة الدينية كان يفترض أن تكون أكثر يقظة، ولديها خطط لمواجهة هذا الانحراف الخطير، لأنها ستصنع من أصحاب هذه الضلالة أبطالاً وشهداء[1].
من الناحية الدينية يمكن أن نصف دين ما بالضلال، بل كل الأديان تصف الأديان الأخرى التي تليها بالضلال. لكن لا يمكن ذلك من الناحية المعرفية ولا من الناحية السوسولوجية ولا من الناحية القانونية خصوصاً المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان. والناحية القانونية ليست هي الناحية الشرعية الدينية. القانون مفهوم حديث يشير إلى ما يبتكره العقل البشري من ضوابط لتنظيم الحياة تنظيما حراً يكفل للإنسان الأمان والعيش بحرية وعدالة، والقانون اجتهاد بشري قابل للتعديل، وتعديله ليس ضلالاً ولا هرطقة، لكن الشرع لا يمكن تعديله، وما يليه من شرع آخر يعتبر ضلالاً وهرطقة.
الدين البهائي من الناحية الاجتماعية هو جماعات بشرية من أعراق مختلفة تمارس حياتها وفق تعاليم تعتقد أنها من الله، ولها طقوسها ونصوصها وأنظمة اتصالها ورؤيتها للعالم. لا يمكن أن نصف هذه الجماعات بالضلال، فالقانون العام الذي يحكم أية دولة عصرية، يحتم حماية الجماعات المختلفة في مفهومها للضلال. لا أن يتبنى وجهة نظر جماعة دينية في مفهومها للضلال ضد جماعة أخرى، لذلك فالدولة الحديثة محايدة تجاه الأديان.
في الفيلم القصير الذي أعده المدون أحمد عزت، كانت الفتاة البهائية تقول «موش حاسة أنا في مجتمع طبيعي» وكان الشاب البهائي يقول «البهائيون يسمح لهم أن يعيشوا لكنهم غير موجودين في نظر الدولة»[2].
إذا كانت الدولة ترى جماعة دينية أنها ضالة، فإنها لا تستطيع أن تنظر إليها، والنظرة اعتراف بالجماعة، والجماعة متى فقدت اعتراف الدولة بها، لا تستطيع أن توجد وجوداً طبيعياً في المجتمع. الدولة بنت القانون الحديث، لا بنت الشرع.
الشرع يعترف بالإنسان وفق مفهومه للضلال، والدولة تعترف بالإنسان وفق مفهومها للشخص، الشخص هو ذات لا يوصف بالضلال والهداية بل يوصف بالوجود والعدم. متى كان موجوداً تعترف به الدولة في سجلاتها، ومتى مات سقط من سجلها ودخل في أرشيفها.
الدين في مفهوم الدولة ليس مجموعة اعتقادات نصفها بالحق والهداية أو بالباطل والضلال، الدين مجموع حيوات البشر بأشكالها المختلفة، ولهذه الأشكال حق الوجود والاعتراف في الدولة.
شخصياً لي تجربتي القريبة جداً من البهائيين، وقد قابلت الكثير منهم وحضرت حفلات زواجهم ومناسباتهم الدينية وجلساتهم الاجتماعية. وهي معرفة تتيح لي أن أكوّن معرفة عملية بطبيعة المناخ الديني الذي يحكم رؤيتهم ويضبط نظامهم الأخلاقي. وهو نظام شديد الصرامة من حيث العفة والروحانية ويعوّل دوما على الصوت الداخلي للفرد. وعلم الاجتماع يعلمنا أن الأقليات دوماً تعوّل على النظام الأخلاقي الداخلي أكثر من النظام الخارجي كما هو الأمر مع جماعات الأكثرية.
والبهائية ليست استثناء في ذلك، فهي لو تحوّلت في أي مكان إلى أكثرية سينطبق عليها القانون الاجتماعي في التحول إلى نظام له سلطته الخارجية أكثر من سلطته الداخلية. وهي ليست استثناء أيضاً من الأديان فيما يتعلق برغبتها في الانتشار واعتقادها بالأفضلية والعقلانية والشمولية والحقانية والمحاججة اللاهوتية واعتبار دينها خلاصاً للبشرية، واعتماد الأمثلة والقصص والمجازات والأحلام في عملية الإقناع والتربية.
في إحدى حفلات عقد القران البهائي بالبحرين، كنت والصديق علي الجلاوي الذي أصدر كتابه عن البهائية في البحرين، لفت انتباهي في هذا الحفل الحضور الطاغي للغة العربية، حتى في صيغة عقد القران والأدعية التي تقرأ معه، رغم أن جميع معتنقي البهائية بالبحرين من أصول إيرانية. كان الدعاء الذي قرأ في جلسة العقد: «إلهي إلهي هذان القمران قد اقترنا بحبك واتحدا في عبودية عتبة تقديسك واتفقا على خدمة أمرك. فاجعل هذا الاقتران تجليا من فيوضاتك» علق الدعاء في قلبي مباشرة، كما يعلق قمر في قلب عاشق، وذلك لفرط الحب والروحانية التي تفيض بها كلمة «القمران».
الديانة البهائية كما عايشتها عن قرب، تفيض بهذه الروح القمرية، بل إنها تُقمر في الإنسان، وتجعل روحه قمرية، في إحدى زياراتي أهداني الصديق البهائي «ورقاء» كتاب مثنوي، قال لي الدين البهائي يعلمنا المحبة والعشق، محبة النور والبهاء والإنسان، ستجد جلال الدين الرومي، يعبر عن جوهر ذلك في ديوانه هذا. فتحت الكتاب فقرأت جلال الدين يقول «عن ماذا تبحث فأنت ذاك». كل الأديان تبحث عبر الإنسان عن الله ذلك المطلق، فكل طرق البحث تستحيل فيك ديناً وطريقا يصلك بالله.
كان المتصوف الكبير ابن عربي يقول «قل في الكون ما شئت»[3] لن تضل طريق الله، فالله في كل الكون، وكل قول تقوله سيصلك بالله من أي جنبة كانت.
يقول بهاء الله «إن الكلمة هي المعلم الأول في جامعة الوجود وهي النقطة الأولى التي ظهرت من الله. كل الأسماء نابعة من اسمه والبدايات والنهايات لكل الأمور في قبضة يده[4]».
والمتصوف المسلم ابن عربي كان يرى في الأسماء الإلهية مظاهر وجود الله، وكان في كتابه فصوص الحكم يقدم قراءة للعالم والوجود من خلال أسماء الله، باعتبارها مجازات وطرق لرؤية العالم وفهمه والعيش فيه.
هل يمكن أن نصف دين ما بالضلال؟ إذا كان ثمة ضلال، فهو أن لا ترى ظلال الله في كل الطرق وفي كل الأغصان التي تحدث عنها بهاء الله في ندائه للعالم «يا أهل العالم إنكم ثمار شجرة واحدة وأوراق غصن واحد ورود بستان واحد وقطرات محيط واحد فلتتخلقوا بالمحبة الكاملة والاتحاد والصداقة والفهم»[5].
هوامش

[1] محمود عيسى، الفتنة البهائية، جريدة الوطن القطرية، 10-4-,2009
http://www.al-watan.com/data/20090410/innercontent.asp?val=writer/mahmodesa1_1
[2] انظر:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=drAe_hSCaxI&feature=PlayList&p=841A4BCE9E873E26&index=0&playnext=1
[3] ابن عربي، فصوص الحكم.
[4]، [5] انظر:
http://rands1957.spaces.live.com/blog/cns!7CE1906B800AE160!128.entry?_c=BlogPart

Baha'is send letter to Iran's chief prosecutor

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The Baha'i International Community has issued an open letter to Iran’s prosecutor general explaining the innocence of the Baha'is in the face of accusations made by the government and asking for fairness in any upcoming trial of seven Baha'i prisoners.

Sent by email to Ayatollah Qorban-Ali Dorri-Najafabadi, the letter also suggests that the government’s continued oppression of Baha'is will ultimately have a wide impact on Iranian society as a whole. Following is the open letter:

4 March 2009

Ayatollah Qorban-Ali Dorri-Najafabadi
Prosecutor General
Islamic Republic of Iran

Your Honor,

Your recent announcement regarding the administrative affairs of the Bahá’ís of Iran has brought to the arena of public debate issues which not only affect the safety and livelihood of the members of that community but also have profound implications for the future of every citizen of that esteemed nation. The steps that have been taken to formulate the response of the Iranian Bahá’í community to your announcement have surely been communicated to you. The Yaran and the Khademin, the small groups that have been attending to the spiritual and social needs of the several hundred thousand Bahá’ís of Iran, the former at the national level and the latter at the local, have expressed their willingness to bring to a close their collective functioning. This decision has been made for no other reason than to demonstrate yet again the goodwill that the Bahá’ís have consistently shown to the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the past thirty years.

The Universal House of Justice has assured us that the disruption in the functioning of these groups need not be seen as a cause for concern. There is no doubt in the minds of millions of Bahá’ís residing in virtually every country around the world—nor in the minds of many others who are watching these events with impartiality and who are aware of the historical development of the Faith—that the Bahá’ís in Iran will find ways of managing the spiritual life of their community, as they have done for generations over the past one hundred and sixty-five years of persecution. However, given the gravity of the accusations leveled against the Yaran and the Khademin, we feel obliged, as the representatives at the United Nations of one hundred and seventy-nine National Spiritual Assemblies encircling the globe, to bring certain fundamental points to your attention in an open letter and request that you examine them with the sense of fairness they deserve.

In reference to Article 20 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran pertaining to the rights of its citizens, as well as Article 23 related to freedom of belief, you have stated: “Adherence to a principle or belief is free [to anyone], but to openly express and proclaim it inorder to cause deviation in the thoughts of others, to manipulate, pretend, disseminate [ideas], and otherwise attempt to deceive and confuse people will not be permissible.” Such a statement tests credulity to an extreme. It is widely recognized that similar statements have been used by repressive regimes throughout the centuries to justify the arbitrary suppression of conscience and belief. The suggestion that it is possible to separate the convictions held by an individual from their expression in words and action begins an entirely false line of reasoning. To see its absurdity one need only ask oneself what it means to have faith if it is not consciously manifested in one’s relationships with others. Qualifying the argument by implying that only those expressions of belief which cause deviation in the thoughts of others are objectionable may appear reasonable at a first glance. In reality, of course, it is a means of granting license to those in authority to suppress whomsoever they wish, for it leaves open the possibility of labeling any action or comment not to their liking as a cause of deviation in the thoughts of others. In any event, the record of the Bahá’ís of Iran is clear in this respect. They have never sought to cause such deviation, nor have they ever attempted to deceive and confuse people. Since you have raised the issue of freedom of belief in the context of the articles pertaining to the rights of Iranian citizens, knowing full well the Bahá’í record, we can only assume that you have made curtailment in the functioning of the Yaran and the Khademin a condition for according the Bahá’ís at least some of the rights which they have been denied for some thirty years now.

The facts of the matter are, of course, well known to you:
· Following the Islamic revolution in 1979, the Bahá’ís of Iran, who had long been the victims of periodic outbreaks of violence, the later rounds of which had been instigated by the notorious SAVAK, were subjected to a fresh wave of persecution.

· In August 1980 all nine members of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Iran—a national council whose election and functioning are prescribed in the Bahá’í teachings and which forms part of the Bahá’í administrative structure in all countries—were abducted and disappeared without a trace. Undoubtedly they were executed.

· Members subsequently elected to this council, as well as scores of individuals with influence in the Bahá’í community, including several members of Local Spiritual Assemblies—councils operating at the local level—were executed by the government in the years immediately after.

· In response to the announcement made by the Prosecutor General of Iran in 1983 calling for the dismantling of the Bahá’í administrative structure, the National Spiritual Assembly of Iran dissolved itself and the rest of the administrative structure in the country as a demonstration of goodwill towards the government.

· Subsequently, ad hoc arrangements were made to tend to the spiritual and social needs of the 300,000 Bahá’ís in Iran through the formation of the Yaran at the national level and the Khademin at the local level.

· For some twenty years, government agencies had regular contact with the Yaran and the Khademin—some times friendly and other times in the form of unreasonably long and aggressive interrogations—consulted with their members and were entirely aware of their activities. The possibility of some degree of dialogue between the Bahá’ís and government agencies seemed to be emerging.

· During that same period, however, a 1991 memorandum signed by Hujjatu’l Islam Seyyed Mohammad Golpaygani, then Secretary of the Iranian Supreme Revolutionary Cultural Council, came to light. It called for the “progress and development” of the Bahá’ís in Iran to be “blocked” through a number of specific measures it advocated and for a plan “to confront and destroy their cultural roots outside the country.”

· While the harassment and ill-treatment of Bahá’ís continued uninterrupted during this period, they have been taken to new levels of intensity in recent years as certain elements that have historically been bent on the destruction of the Bahá’í community have assumed growing influence in the affairs of the country.

· The official campaign to malign the name of the Faith through the mass media—through newspaper articles and Web sites, through radio and television programs and films—escalated around 2005; it has proceeded unabated to this day. There can be little doubt that systematic steps are being taken to implement the provisions set out in the 1991 memorandum.

· In March 2006 a confidential letter from the Iranian military headquarters, dated 29 October 2005, asking various intelligence agencies and police organizations, in addition to the Revolutionary Guard, to identify and monitor Bahá’ís around the country, came to the attention of the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, raising great concern throughout the world for the safety of the Bahá’ís.

· For more than two decades young Bahá’ís were barred from entering university through an application process that would require them to deny their faith. Though a modification in the process, achieved through worldwide public pressure, enabled a few hundred to register at the start of the 2006–2007 academic year, their hopes of pursuing higher education were soon dashed. That same year the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology issued a letter to eighty-one universities, instructing them to expel anystudent known to be a Bahá’í.

· The abovementioned letter was followed by another in April 2007 from the Public Intelligence and Security Force restricting the involvement of Bahá’ís, already barred from employment in the public sector, in some twenty types of businesses. The document reinforced ongoing efforts to strangle the economic life of the Bahá’í community.

· In these past few years, the number of Bahá’ís arrested without cause has climbed; the confiscation of Bahá’í personal property has grown; attacks on Bahá’í homes have escalated; acts of arson against Bahá’í properties have proliferated; the desecration anddestruction of Bahá’í cemeteries have spread; the sealing of shops owned by Bahá’ís has increased; refusals of bank loans and business licenses to Bahá’ís have multiplied; harassment of landlords with Bahá’í tenants has intensified; threats against fellow citizens who associate with Bahá’ís have mounted; and the vilification of Bahá’í children in their classrooms by teachers has been on the rise. That such acts are being systematically orchestrated city by city is unquestionable.

· Then last year the seven members of the Yaran were imprisoned, one of them in March and the remaining six in May. For some time they were held in solitary confinement and denied access to their families. Although eventually family members were allowed brief visits under strict observation, the prisoners have yet to be given access to legal counsel. The conditions of their incarceration have varied in degree of severity over the course of the past several months, with the five male members confined at one time to a cell no more than ten square meters in size, with no bed.

· Finally, after some nine months of imprisonment, during which time not a shred of evidence could be found linking the members of the Yaran to any wrongdoing, they were accused of “espionage for Israel, insulting religious sanctities and propaganda against the Islamic Republic,” and it has been announced that their case will soon be submitted to court with a request for indictment.

· This announcement was followed almost immediately by news reports which indicated that you had written to the Minister of Intelligence stating that the existence of the Yaran and the Khademin in Iran is illegal, while at the same time raising the question of the constitutional right of Iranian citizens to freedom of belief. You then made an official announcement to this effect.

***

Your Honor, the events of recent years and the nature of the accusations made raise questions in the mind of every unbiased observer as to the intent behind the systematic perpetration of injustice against the Bahá’ís of Iran. Even if there might have been some misunderstandings about the motives of the Bahá’í community during the early turbulent days of the revolution, how can such suspicions persist today? Can it be that any member of the esteemed government of Iran truly believes the false accusations which have been perpetuated about the Bahá’ís in that country? Are not the following facts well known to the authorities in the various branches of the government?

· In whatever country they reside, Bahá’ís strive to promote the welfare of society. They are enjoined to work alongside their compatriots in fostering fellowship and unity and in establishing peace and justice. They seek to uphold their own rights, as well as the rights of others, through whatever legal means are available to them, conducting themselves at all times with honesty and integrity. They eschew conflict and dissension. They avoid contest for worldly power.

· It is a fundamental principle of the Bahá’í Faith that its followers strictly refrain from involvement in any partisan political activity, whether local, national or international. Bahá’ís view government as a system for maintaining the welfare and orderly progress of human society, and obedience to the laws of the land is a distinguishing feature of their beliefs.

· To take any action in willful violation of allegiance to one’s own country is explicitly proscribed in the Scriptures of the Bahá’í Faith. Adherence to this principle has been amply demonstrated by Bahá’ís everywhere.

· The Bahá’í administrative structure, which is established in more than one hundred and eighty countries worldwide, is a means for channeling the energies of Bahá’ís in service to the common good and for organizing the religious and social affairs of the Bahá’í community itself. For Bahá’ís, the concept does not imply in any way the existence of a political agenda or any kind of interference in the affairs of the government.

· The international headquarters of the Bahá’í Faith is located within the borders of modern-day Israel as a result of the successive banishments imposed on Bahá’u’lláh in the mid-nineteenth century by the Persian and Ottoman governments. Exiled from His native Persia, Bahá’u’lláh was sent to Baghdad, Constantinople and Adrianople and finally to the fortress-city of Acre in 1868, eighty years prior to the establishment of the State of Israel, where He eventually died in 1892. That Bahá’ís in all parts of the world are today in contact with the international headquarters of their Faith regarding their individual and collective affairs is entirely natural and is a well-established fact.

· Bahá’ís have the highest respect for all religions. Our Writings refer to Islam as “the blessed and luminous religion of God” and the Prophet Muhammad as “the refulgent lamp of supreme Prophethood,” “the Lord of creation” and “the Day-star of the world,” Who, “through the will of God, shone forth from the horizon of Hijaz.” The station of Imam Ali is described in terms such as “the moon of the heaven of knowledge and understanding” and “the sovereign of the court of knowledge and wisdom.” In the Tablet of Visitation revealed by Bahá’u’lláh Himself for Imam Husayn, He refers to him as “the pride of the martyrs” and “the day-star of renunciation shining above the horizon of creation.”

· Bahá’ís are exhorted to evince a high sense of moral rectitude in their activities, chastity in their individual lives, and complete freedom from prejudice in their dealings with people of every race, class and creed.

***

In light of these well-established facts, Your Honor, it is difficult to understand how words such as “manipulative” and “deceitful,” “dangerous” and “threatening,” can be applied to Bahá’í activity in Iran. Do you consider dangerous the efforts of a group of young people who, out of a sense of obligation to their fellow citizens, work with youngsters from families of little means to improve their mathematics and language skills and to develop their abilities to play a constructive part in the progress of their nation? Is it a threat to society for Bahá’ís to discuss with their neighbors noble and high-minded ideals, reinforcing the conviction that the betterment of the world is to be achieved through pure and goodly deeds and through commendable and seemly conduct? In what way is it manipulative for a couple to speak in the privacy of their home with a few friends confused by the portrayal of Bahá’ís in the mass media and to share with them the true nature of their beliefs, which revolve around such fundamental verities as the oneness of God and the oneness of humankind? What duplicity is there if a child at school, after listening to offensive language about the Founder of her Faith Whom she so loves, politely raises her hand and requests permission to explain to her classmates some of the teachings she follows? What deceit is there if a young person, committed to the acquisition of knowledge and learning, seeks the right from the authorities to enter university without having to lie about his faith? What harm is done if several families gather together periodically for communal worship and for the discussion of matters of concern to them all? Given that the human soul has no sex, is it so alarming for someone to express the view that men and women are equal in the sight of God and should be able to work shoulder to shoulder in all fields of human endeavor? And is it so unreasonable for a small group of people, in the absence of the administrative structures prescribed in their teachings, to facilitate the marriage of young couples, the education of children and the burial of the dead in conformity with the tenets of their Faith?

These are but a few examples of the various endeavors for which the Bahá’ís of Iran are being so grievously persecuted. It is the right to engage in such activity that has been denied them for thirty years.

Your Honor, many times over these twenty years the Yaran and the Khademin have been told by government officials that they are in fact protecting the Bahá’í community from those who regard its members as a negative element in society. It is true that there may be a small fraction in any populace who, succumbing to the forces of hatred and enmity, can be incited to perform acts of cruelty and oppression. But, in the main, our vision of the Iranian people does not correspond with the one projected by such officials. Narrow-mindedness and pettiness are not the qualities that we attribute to them. Rather do we see the staunch commitment to justice evinced by the citizens of one town who petitioned the government when several shops owned by Bahá’ís were closed without reason. We see the fidelity shown by the young musicians who refused to perform when their Bahá’í counterparts were prohibited from playing in a recital. We see the courage and tenacity of university students who stood ready to prepare a petition and to forgo participation in examinations that their Bahá’í classmates were barred from taking. We see the compassion and generosity of spirit exhibited by the neighbors of one family, whose home was attacked with a bulldozer, in their expressions of sympathy and support, offered at all hours of the night, and in their appeals for justice and recompense. And we hear in the voices raised by so many Iranians in defense of their Bahá’í compatriots echoes from their country’s glorious past. What we cannot help noting, with much gratitude towards them in our hearts, is that a majority of those coming out in support of the beleaguered Bahá’í community are themselves suffering similar oppression as students and academics, as journalists and social activists, as artists and poets, as progressive thinkers and proponents of women’s rights, and even as ordinary citizens.

Your Honor, the decisions to be taken by the judiciary in Iran in the coming days will have implications that extend well beyond the Bahá’í community in that land––what is at stake is the very cause of the freedom of conscience for all the peoples of your nation. It is our hope that, for the sanctity of Islam and the honor of Iran, the judiciary will be fair in its judgment.

Respectfully,

Bahá’í International Community

cc: Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations

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